--

Muhammad Raza Khan, 

Chairman Coordination, 
FPCCI, Capital Office, Islamabad,
Former President, Haripur Chamber of Commerce,
Founder President, Islamabad Chamber of Commerce.
Tel: FPCCI +92-51-2251891-3. Fax +92-51-251894
Tel: Business +92-51-4434200-5. Fax +92-514434203


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It is a common platform for journalists and all others who are interested in knowing about the issues that are sometimes not reported. This group favours philosophy of progress, reform and the protection of civil liberties. Please share and educate others. The owners and managers of this site do not necessarily agree with any of the information. It is an open forum; everyone is allowed to share anything. Mails sent by members and non-members are subject to approval. However, we are not responsible in any way for the contents of mails / opinion sent by members. We do not guarantee that the information will be completely accurate. (Nor can print and electronic media). If you find content on this site which you feel is inappropriate or inaccurate, incomplete, or useless you are most welcome to report it or contradict it.
Thanks a lot.
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Disagree you may, the great majority of the Pakistanis see validity in the critical aspects of the following article, however the tiny weeny minority may jump on any suggestion or critical assessment of Pakistan Policy.
The good 99% of Pakistanis are too frightened to be barked upon by the 1%, and together they let ruinage come to them. When Taseer was shot dead, they did not speak up enmasse, they did not speak up when Asia Bibi was harassed. The petition for Asia Bibi was not signed by the people I knew - " Nahin ji, hum Christian say maafi nahin mangien gay, and if the apology to Christians is removed, we will sign it." I don't believe them, it was just a poor excuse.
The right wingers boast and act like they are patriotic, but they are not, its just a rhetoric. Their arrogance guarantees continuance of faulty approaches and they make sure, no one criticizes their wrong doing. To me the one who criticizes the government most, is a true patriot.
I care about the people of the subcontinent and I have a great record of it since 1993 when I started the Asian News, Asian News Radio and Desi TV where all the nations of the subcontinent were included, and I am glad the trend continues with Fun Asia and several Indian and Pakistani Radio's and Portals. Thank God, I have no barrier between me and another human being. My late wife was a Pakistani and my now wife is a Pakistani. I do wish the majority of Pakistanis speak up and change the course of Pakistan, it can be done, but by speaking up. Let there a be a great Pakistan, most Indians want the best for Pakistan, to have a good neighbor and together all can prosper.

Mike Ghouse
------------- --------------------
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
JULY 16, 2011
Why My Father Hated India

Aatish Taseer, the son of an assassinated Pakistani leader, explains the history and hysteria behind a deadly relationship

By AATISH TASEER

Ten days before he was assassinated in January, my father, Salman Taseer, sent out a tweet about an Indian rocket that had come down over the Bay of Bengal: "Why does India make fools of themselves messing in space technology? Stick 2 bollywood my advice."
My father was the governor of Punjab, Pakistan's largest province, and his tweet, with its taunt at India's misfortune, would have delighted his many thousands of followers. It fed straight into Pakistan's unhealthy obsession with India, the country from which it was carved in 1947.
Though my father's attitude went down well in Pakistan, it had caused considerable tension between us. I am half-Indian, raised in Delhi by my Indian mother: India is a country that I consider my own. When my father was killed by one of his own bodyguards for defending a Christian woman accused of blasphemy, we had not spoken for three years.
To understand the Pakistani obsession with India, to get a sense of its special edge—its hysteria—it is necessary to understand the rejection of India, its culture and past, that lies at the heart of the idea of Pakistan. This is not merely an academic question. Pakistan's animus toward India is the cause of both its unwillingness to fight Islamic extremism and its active complicity in undermining the aims of its ostensible ally, the United States.
The idea of Pakistan was first seriously formulated by neither a cleric nor a politician but by a poet. In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal, addressing the All-India Muslim league, made the case for a state in which India's Muslims would realize their "political and ethical essence." Though he was always vague about what the new state would be, he was quite clear about what it would not be: the old pluralistic society of India, with its composite culture.
Iqbal's vision took concrete shape in August 1947. Despite the partition of British India, it had seemed at first that there would be no transfer of populations. But violence erupted, and it quickly became clear that in the new homeland for India's Muslims, there would be no place for its non-Muslim communities. Pakistan and India came into being at the cost of a million lives and the largest migration in history.
This shared experience of carnage and loss is the foundation of the modern relationship between the two countries. In human terms, it meant that each of my parents, my father in Pakistan and my mother in India, grew up around symmetrically violent stories of uprooting and homelessness.
But in Pakistan, the partition had another, deeper meaning. It raised big questions, in cultural and civilizational terms, about what its separation from India would mean.
In the absence of a true national identity, Pakistan defined itself by its opposition to India. It turned its back on all that had been common between Muslims and non-Muslims in the era before partition. Everything came under suspicion, from dress to customs to festivals, marriage rituals and literature. The new country set itself the task of erasing its association with the subcontinent, an association that many came to view as a contamination.
Had this assertion of national identity meant the casting out of something alien or foreign in favor of an organic or homegrown identity, it might have had an empowering effect. What made it self-wounding, even nihilistic, was that Pakistan, by asserting a new Arabized Islamic identity, rejected its own local and regional culture. In trying to turn its back on its shared past with India, Pakistan turned its back on itself.
But there was one problem: India was just across the border, and it was still its composite, pluralistic self, a place where nearly as many Muslims lived as in Pakistan. It was a daily reminder of the past that Pakistan had tried to erase.
Pakistan's existential confusion made itself apparent in the political turmoil of the decades after partition. The state failed to perform a single legal transfer of power; coups were commonplace. And yet, in 1980, my father would still have felt that the partition had not been a mistake, for one critical reason: India, for all its democracy and pluralism, was an economic disaster.
Pakistan had better roads, better cars; Pakistani businesses were thriving; its citizens could take foreign currency abroad. Compared with starving, socialist India, they were on much surer ground. So what if India had democracy? It had brought nothing but drought and famine.
But in the early 1990s, a reversal began to occur in the fortunes of the two countries. The advantage that Pakistan had seemed to enjoy in the years after independence evaporated, as it became clear that the quest to rid itself of its Indian identity had come at a price: the emergence of a new and dangerous brand of Islam.
As India rose, thanks to economic liberalization, Pakistan withered. The country that had begun as a poet's utopia was reduced to ruin and insolvency.
The primary agent of this decline has been the Pakistani army. The beneficiary of vast amounts of American assistance and money—$11 billion since 9/11—the military has diverted a significant amount of these resources to arming itself against India. In Afghanistan, it has sought neither security nor stability but rather a backyard, which—once the Americans leave—might provide Pakistan with "strategic depth" against India.
In order to realize these objectives, the Pakistani army has led the U.S. in a dance, in which it had to be seen to be fighting the war on terror, but never so much as to actually win it, for its extension meant the continuing flow of American money. All this time the army kept alive a double game, in which some terror was fought and some—such as Laskhar-e-Tayyba's 2008 attack on Mumbai—actively supported.
The army's duplicity was exposed decisively this May, with the killing of Osama bin Laden in the garrison town of Abbottabad. It was only the last and most incriminating charge against an institution whose activities over the years have included the creation of the Taliban, the financing of international terrorism and the running of a lucrative trade in nuclear secrets.
This army, whose might has always been justified by the imaginary threat from India, has been more harmful to Pakistan than to anybody else. It has consumed annually a quarter of the country's wealth, undermined one civilian government after another and enriched itself through a range of economic interests, from bakeries and shopping malls to huge property holdings.
The reversal in the fortunes of the two countries—India's sudden prosperity and cultural power, seen next to the calamity of Muhammad Iqbal's unrealized utopia—is what explains the bitterness of my father's tweet just days before he died. It captures the rage of being forced to reject a culture of which you feel effortlessly a part—a culture that Pakistanis, via Bollywood, experience daily in their homes.
This rage is what makes it impossible to reduce Pakistan's obsession with India to matters of security or a land dispute in Kashmir. It can heal only when the wounds of 1947 are healed. And it should provoke no triumphalism in India, for behind the bluster and the bravado, there is arid pain and sadness.
—Mr. Taseer is the author of "Stranger to History: A Son's Journey Through Islamic Lands." His second novel, "Noon," will be published in the U.S. in September.


---
Mike Ghouse is a speaker, thinker, writer and a frequent guest on Hannity show and nationally syndicated Radio shows and Dallas TV, Radio and Print Media. He presides America Together Foundation and is committed to building a cohesive America and offers pluralistic solutions on issues of the day.

Over 1000 articles have been published on Pluralism, Interfaith, Islam, India and cohesive societies. Two of his books are poised to be released this fall on Pluralism and Islam. He is available to speak at your place of worship, work, school, college, seminars or conferences. His work is encapsulated in 27 blogs, four websites and several forums indexed at Site: www.mikeghouse.net/ email: Mike@MikeGhouse.net

Please do not write to me at the yahoo email address, this is dedicated to outging emails only.

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Pre-Script

The case of Casey Anthony in which she was acquitted of the murder charge of her young daughter Caylee Marie Anthony, brings into sharp focus the flaws in the American court and justice system. The both prosecution and defense lawyers have been assiduously arguing this case for quite some time. There was a predominant perception that Casey cannot escape the indictment that could be death or at least life imprisonment. However, the jury acquitted her and she was absolved of the conviction.

While she walked out of the justice net scot-free, the question still remains to be answered who killed the toddler and else whose is responsible for killing the two years old infant. If there is no killer and she was accidently drowned in the pond then someone who hid this part of the story must be held responsible for lying and hindering the process of legal proceedings. If the case is not pursued further, then should it be construed that the murder would be treated as closed or cold case never to be probed? This would be a mockery of the justice and great reprieve to the killer if there is any.

This following article was written some time back to highlight the flaws in the American justice system. The case of Casey Antony reinforces that notion. As such the article with minor modifications is reproduced again.

July 16, 2011

Flaws in the American Justice System

By Saeed Qureshi

The constitution of the United States of America deserves the highest tribute as a beacon of light and a magnificent model for all the democracies in the world. It would continue to serve as an invaluable embodiment of all such hallmarks that constitute civil societies. However, the American justice system is yet to reach a stage of being immaculate.

An observation that I read in the New York Times so succinctly illustrates the way the American Justice is aborted. It says, "The judge's whim is all that mattered in that courtroom. The law was basically irrelevant." (Marsha Levick, the legal director of the Juvenile Law Center, on two Pennsylvania judges who sent thousands of juveniles to detention centers for $2.6 million in kickbacks).

If any branch of the civil society is enormously independent and truly powerful, it is the judiciary in America. Now I would not endorse the kickbacks blemish but certainly there are dark shades here and there that come in the way of the dispensation of an absolutely unalloyed and sparkling justice.

There is a laudable culture and tradition of strict accountability running into the body politic of the United States. But it is seldom and once in a blue moon that a member of judiciary is held accountable. Judges in the courts are like sovereigns whose every movement of hands and eyebrows, wrinkle of the face and every word uttered and rebukes have to be swallowed by those attending the courts.

Up to this threshold, all the judges and dispensers of justice enjoy massive and rather arbitrary powers all over the world.  But in the American courts, it is a different story. If judges' powers are inhibited by someone it is the jury that has to come up with a unanimous YES or NO verdict.

Based upon jury's yes or no consensus vote, the judge awards the sentence. But if it is exclusively up to the judge to give a verdict, he is liable to be swayed by many considerations. Now the DNA, a unique and amazing invention of the modern age has proven that many convicts of such heinous crime as rape and murder, who were put to death, were actually innocents.

Some were acquitted due to the timely results of the DNA that showed no link of the convicts with the victims. It unambiguously, goes to establish that there have been some very serious flaws in the U. S. justice system. The empirical fact is that the prosecution is always overbearing and maintains an upper edge over the defense. Those who were electrocuted or given lethal injection got their sentence because the prosecution was dominant in the court as ever. In courts, what matters is how the lawyers can manipulate the case.

As a casual visitor to the courts for interpretation on behalf of the prosecution or the defense, I have seen some kind of bitter verbal brawls between the prosecuting and defending lawyers. In one of the cases, at the end of the day, a verdict was handed out that stunned the dumbfounded seekers of justice.

The judge swept aside tons of evidence produced by the defense and issued an order that defied all the logic and rationale of the legal debate. No questions asked. Now there are many considerations that weigh heavily in certain cases irrespective of the merits of the cases or the guts of the defense to blunt the argument of the prosecution.

 As I have observed, invariably, it is the prosecution that triumphs. In predominant number of cases a plea bargain is the ultimate outcome. It means, "don't care or press for the merit of the case, get rid of the agony and accept less punishment, in order to avoid more excruciating hassle and waste of time and money". There is an element of fear lurking behind the verdicts that may not be in accord with the complete fulfillment of the due norms of justice.

Now race or ethnic background might be a very potent factor influencing the verdict of a case. The minority alien communities that are usually involved in violation of immigration rules, overstaying, small felonies as a quarrel between the wife and husband or a theft that can be summarily disposed off, are trapped in an adjudication system between a prosecution and the defense attorneys for years together.

Such cases mostly culminate in plea bargain which means that the accused accepts the charge against him or her.   He is offered the plea bargain upon the enticement that thus he could get milder or lesser punishment. *****

In case of choosing the option of fine to avoid the sentence, another torturous process of rehabilitation starts, leaving a person in a mentally or physically mauled state. In a case that was being adjudicated between a white drunken driver and a turbaned Sikh from India offers a classic example of how the judge cam impose his fiat ultimately. The defense attorney took the whole day to produce eye witnesses to prove that the Indian family was beaten by the white drunken driver.

But in the evening the verdict, to the utter bewilderment, was given in favor of the driver who was not asked a single question b y the judge simply walked out of the court with triumphantly. The judge in one single utterance decreed that he did not believe the evidence or the arguments of the defense attorney.

 Now the jury system is a legacy of the past when community involvement was deemed necessary to arrive at a decision. The jury consists of the people invited from various walks of life who would not have enough inkling or rudimentary knowledge of the legal intricacies. They are students, businessmen, employees or individuals from other walks of life.

 They are briefed for a limited time both by the prosecution and defense attorneys to formulate a unanimous verdict on which depends the future of the accused person as well as upholding compliance with the imperatives of justice. Prior to the jury verdict, the case keeps lingering some time for years together.

Notwithstanding the debate, the arguments, the evidence, the merits of the cases, if the jury that cannot comprehend the essence of the case in a day or so, declares the person guilty despite being innocent, he or she would be declared as such. Conversely if a man is innocent he can be arraigned and sentenced.

The jury system is indeed like a spanner in the smooth sailing of the justice system because it is superimposed and nullifies all the work done by the attorneys on both the sides. It also makes the judge irrelevant because he is simply a dumb listener as at the end, it is jury's one word verdict that would be final.

 Even if the jury is divided a consensus is necessary to declare someone guilty or not guilty. This is all a matter of persuasion, good luck or bad luck of the accused as to what kind of opinion he gets from the jury. If it is predominately black or white jury, they might be swayed by the racial or ethnic considerations thus tainting the legal process that should be absolutely fair as upon it, depends the life and honor of a human being or a member of society.

The  Sixth Amendment stipulates that, " In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation to  be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of the counsel for his defense."

Now so many individuals accused of fighting against NATO troops in Afghanistan have been languishing in Guantanamo concentration camp. If the incumbent administration tries to initiate their trial after decade of incarceration, the respective states don't allow that legal process to take place on their soil.

Interestingly those captured at the time of defeat of Taliban were not all the members of despicable Al-Qaida. They were basically Taliban or their civilian cohorts. But the legal process stands so much subverted and tainted that these hapless guys are not being given the chance as per American constitution to be proven guilty or innocent.

The justice has fallen prey to an exuberant emotionalism that defies fair play and hampers due course of justice. Right or wrong, these people deserve benefit of doubt, though some of them might be friends of America.

But one exceptionally distinctive feature of this system is the right to appeal to the upper courts that give an option and a way-out for the aggrieved persons to keep exploring and seeking the justice till the final appeal is rejected or accepted.

On the whole, it is very arduous, time consuming and costly course that the economic immigrants can seldom afford. The overriding spirit and general attitude of the adjudicating authorities is punitive and not forgiving even in minor cases where a simple warning would be enough.

After 9/11 the justice system was given a new meaning and interpretation. The Patriot Act empowered the administration to bend the law in case of the persons who were labeled as enemy combatants. It is primarily for this reason that the Guantanamo inmates some of whom might have been caught by default or were even friends of America could not be prosecuted all these years.

Their trial could not be carried out in New York and in other states because of the deep hatred for these individuals whose crime is yet to be determined. Such are the pressures from the society that can force even setting aside the law to take its legitimate course for determining the culpability of an accused.

The professional ethics among the attorneys, lawyers and interpreters of law, occasionally, seems to fall short of the required benchmarks and norms. As one can look from a distance, there would be an effort by the defense lawyers to prolong the cases as long as they can because thus they keep the inflow of the fees and other charges intact.

If the private doctors are some time accused of charging high fees and keeping the patients on the tenterhooks, the lawyers too try to keep the cauldron of the cases boiling which normally ends at the threshold of plea bargain. These are the aberrations of the justice system that do not reflect any dereliction on the part of the law makers but are at play during its practical implementation.

Now how to expunge such aberrations or lacunas, as a lay man I would recommend doing away with the jury system. I plead this because with raw knowledge in legal matters, with diverse racial and ethnic proclivities and with very little time to understand the intricacies of the case, the jury cannot come up with the right decision.

This custom can be replaced with a panel of judges who as legal experts would be in a strong position to hand out a wholesome decision. If there is more than one judge, the whims and changing moods of one single judge can be effectively checked.

It should also be worthwhile if in every criminal case, the DNA evidence should be made obligatory because that is the incontrovertible way to determine one's involvement or otherwise in the crime or that one is accused of committing.

Somehow the attitude of soft corner for some ethnic groups and hard tendencies against the others must be addressed and a viable way-out should be evolved to keep the judges on the right side of law, regardless of their personal impulses.

The judges come to the bar through elections and by votes of the community. This system speaks for the grassroots democratic culture and is praiseworthy. But the qualifications of the judges and legal arbiters some time are not up to the mark to entitle them to hold these immensely crucial and delicate public offices and also to perform in a highly professional manner.

In my view, the election of the judges should be replaced by a panel of experts who should thoroughly scrutinize the professional credentials of the candidates and recommend the most qualified or eligible among them. This is how a fully competent person can be chosen who would not take sides in favor of certain community members that were instrumental in his election victory.

Or else in case of judges being appointed through voting process, a pre-screening exercise should be undertaken to approve their suitability for contesting for the post of a judge. This would ensure his professional competence to rightly interpret law and dispense justice.

The writer is a senior journalist and a former diplomat

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Dr Rajab
Did u not consider that when Gen Shuja Pasha is sent to USA for negotiations and their General  likewise concurrently visits the Army Chief  in Pakistan, the situation in Karachi got heated - a usual ploy by the parties to put pressure on the opposite side prior dialogue.    And when a mutual understanding has been reached between Army and USA establishment, miraculously the situation eased.    Is it not that the strings of all mafia parties are pulled by one common master?  Are we all that dumb?   Had our civil leadership realised their folly Pakistan would not have been taken for granted by others.  But with a disgraceful president and prime minister and their conies - what better u can expect?
am

On 15 July 2011 23:12, Dr. Rajab Ali Memon <rajmemon@hotmail.com> wrote:
 

Dear All:
 
Having great regard for Dr. Bakhshal Thalho, I must mention that it is the non-serious attitude of the PPP, their lust for power at all costs and their corruption and poor governance that has caused great harm to the cause of people in Sindh and Pakistan during the last 4 years or so.  The PPP is no more a liberal and pro - people party.  It is now an anti - people force like all other right wing political groups.  It is a pro - feudal, neo - capitalist in thinking, and pro -establishment party.  They have not been able to firmly negotiate and settle the issues with the MQM; which, in turn, has been blackmailing them through the instrument of violence in Karachi.  The MQM leadership is inside their hearts firmly committed to the carving out Karachi as a separate province, while the PML (N) has categorically rejected the division of Sindh.  The PML (N) cannot gain anything from their partnership with the MQM.  I hardly share the view of Dr. Thalho that their collaboration is to stop the creation of a separate Seraiki province. The MQM is not likely to put up any firm opposition to the PPP even if they sit on opposition benches. 
 
The PPP must commence a series of serious steps to make necessary amendments in the Local Government legislation and go for Local Bodies elections this year.  They must repeal the decision of not allowing Sindhi speaking people to seek education and employment in Karachi.  They must de - weaponize Karachi otherwise their is no use spending billions on the Frontier Corps.  The PPP must embark upon a comprehensive policy of population management in Karachi with special reference to the naturalization of illegal aliens and upcountry economic migrants.  They must make new de - limitations of electoral constituencies.  There should be a re - consideration on the districts formed during previous regime.  Karachi needs 2 additional districts - Lyari and Korangi in addition to the present 5 districts.  Likewise, there will be , sooner or later, a need to review and re - demarcate the rural districts.  Khairpur hould not remain one district.  When a larger state of Qalat can have several districts, why Khairpur cannot be administratively divided among new districts ?  Likewise Sanghar and Thatta also need administrative re -adjustment.
 
The PPP does not seem serious and does not have the required capacity in handling these and other important issues in near future.   They have failed the people of Sindh continuously during the last 3 decades or so.  There is no further justification to vote and support the PPP on any grounds in future elections.  The progressive elements must understand the disaster that may fall upon the people if the PPP is allowed to remain the only representative party of Sindh people for years to come.  The leaders of present PPP will then keep using the so called Sindh Card and bargaining on the rights and resources of Sindh to attain their personal ends. Thank you.


Dr. Rajab Ali Memon

Secretary General

Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party - The STP
Taraqi Pasand House, Qasimabad
Hyderabad, Sindh, Pakistan

 

To: socialist_pakistan_news@yahoogroups.com
From: bakhshalthalho@yahoo.com
Date: Thu, 14 Jul 2011 06:24:16 -0700
Subject: (SPN) MQM AND FASCISM



Since intrests of society and state, democracy and fascism are not reconcilable. PPP has never learnt this lesson given by Z.A bhutto to benazir. There fore it is the people who pay the price of that improbabilty.We always criticised PPP and its stratgy of reconciliation , specifically in Sindh with MQM . But it is also fact that PPP did that for the sake of so called peace in karachi. And we all have seen that peace , in which thousands were killed in target killing. The dominent right wing media, is helding responsible zulifqar mirza for the unrest. But apart from the statement , the media dont see or dont want to see the  reply and criticism of fascism by the bullets to just verbal criticism.Because bullet is the only argument that fascism knows. therefore it is not Mirza's statement but MQM that was, is & will remain (atleast for near future) as a hell on the major cities of Sindh. And this hell can not be negeted by bourgiosie parties like PPP,PML-N,ANP ,who all have vestige intrest in status-quo. Nor is peoples amun commettee a answer to MQM. Infact it is the impotency of these bourgiosie forces, along with feeble working class movement that gives birth to fascism.   MQM & Fascism can only be negeted by working class politics.Untill then we are compelled to see the dominence of ethenicity on politics, nececessory for both state & fascism.Along with the general similerties in bourgiosie forces ,there are at the same time the differences in forms of different bourgiosie political forces which sould not be undermined.In that respect i think it is PPP which along with all due criticism has done well comparatively and has paid high price in the fight  against the dictatorships and religious fundamentalism. For example, the recent descisions by PPP to undo a dictatorships move regarding districts and commisionaret system should be welcomed. One must aslo note that the reason behind joining the hand by PML-N with MQM is to counter the move of siraiki province. The sudden chalking in karachi is because of that above fact. But MQM is going farther. Rabta commettee has just demended that Mirza and Shahi syed must leave karachi otherwise............................... Their sin is that they crticised hazarat altaf bhai,which is above from all critism. At the same time we must not forget that it was also PPP who hugd all undemocratic forces for the years and let them strengnthen in their govt and now at this stage, just verbal treatment is of no help.



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